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Quote by Charles Stross

“Ungern Sternberg died in September 1921, executed by a Bolshevik firing squad after Trotsky's soldiers captured him." Choudhury taps his folio again, looking severe: "He was a very bad man, you know! He had a habit of burning paperwork.”

Quote by Charles Stross

Book:The Fuller Memorandum
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Work

The Fuller Memorandum

This book is a suspenseful tale that delves into the world of espionage, featuring a complex plot and intriguing characters. more

Author

Charles Stross
Charles Stross

Charles Stross is a British science fiction writer born on October 18, 1964. His works are known for their profound philosophical thinking and unique science fiction settings, covering a range of topics from artificial intelligence to political intrigue and time travel. more

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“The imperial Russian government's ineffectiveness in World War I had forced the tsar to abdicate in 1917. Following the February Revolution in that year the Provisional Government replaced the tsarist regime, but as a result of the October Revolution the Bolsheviks seized power, executing the tsar and his family, and the Russian Empire collapsed. The Ukrainian Central Rada, or governing council, proclaimed Ukraine an autonomous republic, but meanwhile the German and Austro-Hungarian armies, still at war with Russia, drove out the Russian army and occupied Ukraine. The Germans supported a coup led by Pavel Petrovich Skoropadsky (1873-1945), who in April 1918 declared himself the Hetman of All Ukraine, a position he held until the following December, when, following the end of the war and the withdrawal of the German army, he was deposed and fled. It is here, in December 1918, that the novel White Guard begins, in a Ukraine damaged by World War I and engulfed in the Russian Civil War, with all of its confusion, violence, and chaos. As the novel unfolds, the Germans have mostly withdrawn and the hetman, essentially a German puppet, is under siege by Ukrainian nationalist and socialist forces led by Semyon Vasilievich Petlyura (1879-1926), who fought unsuccessfully for Ukraine's independence following the Revolution of 1917. Petlyura's nationalism made him an enemy of the Bolsheviks, and his socialist ideas made him an enemy of the Whites, who were opposed to the Communists. The Russian forces (both political and military) who became known as the Whites fought against the Red Army in the Civil War from 1918 to 1921. Their military arm was known as the White Army, or White Guard. Ideologically quite diverse, the Whites were not so much a single army as a confederation of counterrevolutionary forces loosely united by their anti-bolshevism, and to a lesser extent by the idea of preserving and restoring the Russian monarchy and Russian Empire, as well as by their anti-liberalism and anti-Semitism. After the events described in the novel, the Soviet army recaptured Ukraine, driving Petlyura out, and held Kiev in 1919 from February 6 until August 31. From August 31 until about December 16, forces under Anton Ivanovich Denikin (1872-1947), a general in the imperial Russian army before the Revolution and one of the leaders of the Whites in the Civil War, were in charge. Then, from December 16 the Soviet government was back in the city until May 6, 1920, when it was occupied by the Poles, who on June 11 were forced out by the Red Army. Three centers of power, revealing the basic vectors of all the coups, had taken shape in Kiev: the military district headquarters (which included counterrevolutionaries, monarchists, and White Guards), the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies (Bolsheviks and other Communists), and the Ukrainian Central Rada (national-ist, independence-oriented, and Petlyurist).”

UkraineRussian Civil War
Book:The white guard
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“In the Russian Revolution, for example, we could expect to see mainly the reaction of the patriarchal feudal society to the challenges of modernization. However, the victory of the countryside and the peasant masses over the westernized city turned out to be a Pyrrhic one, since it threw the already backward country into the backwoods of civilization. Petlyura-style nationalism differs from European nationalism in that the latter aimed to strengthen the national state in the name of modernization and progress, while the Petlyura (and later Soviet) variety fulfilled directly opposite functions and had no constructive, civilizing content, being instead a particularly destructive phenomenon — the expression of a nation's frustration at having failed to come together. This failure, in Bulgakov's opinion, was also due to the fact that this nation did not exist (he saw nothing in it but comical rustic bandura players and petty bourgeois who suddenly "remembered" their Ukrainian-ness and began to speak in broken Ukrainian); or else because the nation was not ready for statehood (which offered nothing except bloody pogroms); or else because its aspirations to statehood were historically and politically unjustified. Ultimately, Kiev was for Bulgakov a Russian city. Historically, it was in fact the "mother of Russian cities," the cradle of Russian state-hood, and the capital of ancient Kievan Rus. Bulgakov's refusal to recognize the rights of the Ukrainian language and Ukrainian aspirations in Kiev was even demographically justified: in 1917, more than half the population of Kiev was Russian, followed by Jews (about twenty per-cent), and only then Ukrainians (a little more than sixteen percent), with a significant Polish minority (almost a tenth of the population). But who remembers today that even Prague, for instance, was at that time a German-speaking city? In the newly proclaimed Ukrainian state, many eastern and southern cities (among them such first-rate cultural and industrial centers as Odessa, Kherson, Nikolaev, Kharkov, Iuzovka, Ekaterinoslav, and Lugansk) had never been Ukrainian at all. One should also consider that western Ukraine (the primary base of present-day Ukrainian nationalism) was once part of Poland. All of this made the aspirations toward Ukrainian "independence" highly questionable. Ukraine began where the city ended, and Bulgakov considered the city the basis of culture and civilization. Ukraine in Bulgakov's world is "the steppe" — culturally barren, not creating anything, and capable only of barbarian destruction. The Ukrainian national elites understood this perfectly when, as early as the 1920s, they demanded that Stalin ban The Days of the Turbins because, ostensibly, "the Whites movement is praised" in it. But in fact it was because the attempt to create a Ukrainian "state" was depicted by Bulgakov as a bloody operetta.”

UkraineBulgakovRussian Civil War
Book:The white guard
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“– Ибо народ темен, глуп, и им легко манипулировать, – закончил, высморкавшись, Скеллен. – Достаточно крикнуть: «Уррра!», произнести пламенную речь со ступеней сената, открыть тюрьмы и скостить налоги. – Вы абсолютны правы, – произнес затягивающий слоги. – Теперь я понимаю, почему вы так ратуете за демократию.”

FantasyDemocracyWitcherведьмакфэнтезидемократияStefan Skellenстефан скеллен
Book:Pani Jeziora
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“Every democracy, whether ochlocracy, aristocracy, oligarchy, monarchy, anarchy, proletarian, popular, or liberal, is by its very nature always a scotocracy, that is, the rule of obscurants, derived from Greek words σκότος for darkness, and κράτος for power, dominion, strength. But the "power" of obscurants is based on ignorance and madness, and, like night, from which only shadows remain when the sun rises, is powerless against the light of knowledge and reason.”

DemocracyObscurantismдемократияDemocratismScotocracySkotokratiaσκότοκρατίαскотократия
Book:Metaanalysis of psychoanalysis
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“Демократия – это собрание психически нездоровых людей в попытке компенсировать дефекты их психической организации, хотя сложение недостатков вовсе не приводит к положительному результату.”

DemocracyObscurantismдемократияDemocratismScotocracySkotokratiaσκότοκρατίαскотократиядемократизмобскурантизм
Book:Конституционный строй в России.
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“Ты проклинаешь его? Ненавидишь? Все еще?— Уже—нет, —говорит она вслух. Она бы не вернулась сюда, если бы ярость еще терзала ее, если бы рана еще кровоточила, а разочарование разрушало бы и отравляло, как в молодости, когда учение и работа были единственным, неотвязно маниакальным средством от воспоминаний. Тогда она и в самом деле его ненавидела. Каждым атомом своего существа, каждой своей мыслью и чувством. Она желала ему всех бед, болезней и несчастий. Бог пошел навстречу твоим пожеланиям, Урания. Нет, скорее—дьявол. Разве мало того, что инсульт превратил его в живой труп? Разве не сладка эта месть—десять лет он в инвалидном кресле, не может ни ходить, ни говорить, полностью зависит от сиделки, которая его кормит с ложечки, укладывает спать, одевает и раздевает, подстригает ему ногти, бреет, помогает помочиться и испражниться? Чувствуешь ты себя отмщенной? «Нет».”

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Book:The Feast of the Goat
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“что, пока внутренний враг слаб и разобщен, внешний враг не страшен, что бы он ни делал. И пусть визжат Соединенные Штаты, пусть топает ногами Организация американских государств, пусть лают Венесуэла с Коста-Рикой—нам на это плевать. Наоборот, это объединяет доминиканцев в один кулак вокруг Хозяина”

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Book:The Feast of the Goat
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