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Quote by Dr. Lucas D. Shallua

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Dr. Lucas D. Shallua

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“We no longer live in a mass-media world with a few centralized choke points with just a few editors in charge, operated by commercial entities and governments. There is a new, radically different mode of information and attention flow: the chaotic world of the digitally networked public sphere (or spheres) where ordinary citizens or activists can generate ideas, document and spread news of events, and respond to mass media. This new sphere, too, has choke points and centralization, but different ones than the past. The networked public sphere has emerged so forcefully and so rapidly that it is easy to forget how new it is. Facebook was started in 2004 and Twitter in 2006. The first iPhone, ushering in the era of the smart, networked phone, was introduced in 2007. The wide extent of digital connectivity might blind us to the power of this transformation. It should not. These dynamics are significant social mechanisms, especially for social movements, since they change the operation of a key resource: attention… Attention is oxygen for movements. Without it, they cannot catch fire.”

MediaSocial MediaSocial MovementsProtest MovementsCitizen JournalismCitizen Media
Book:Twitter and Tear Gas: The Power and Fragility of Networked Protest
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“Lynum had plenty of information to share. The FBI's files on Mario Savio, the brilliant philosophy student who was the spokesman for the Free Speech Movement, were especially detailed. Savio had a debilitating stutter when speaking to people in small groups, but when standing before a crowd and condemning his administration's latest injustice he spoke with divine fire. His words had inspired students to stage what was the largest campus protest in American history. Newspapers and magazines depicted him as the archetypal "angry young man," and it was true that he embodied a student movement fueled by anger at injustice, impatience for change, and a burning desire for personal freedom. Hoover ordered his agents to gather intelligence they could use to ruin his reputation or otherwise "neutralize" him, impatiently ordering them to expedite their efforts. Hoover's agents had also compiled a bulging dossier on the man Savio saw as his enemy: Clark Kerr. As campus dissent mounted, Hoover came to blame the university president more than anyone else for not putting an end to it. Kerr had led UC to new academic heights, and he had played a key role in establishing the system that guaranteed all Californians access to higher education, a model adopted nationally and internationally. But in Hoover's eyes, Kerr confused academic freedom with academic license, coddled Communist faculty members, and failed to crack down on "young punks" like Savio. Hoover directed his agents to undermine the esteemed educator in myriad ways. He wanted Kerr removed from his post as university president. As he bluntly put it in a memo to his top aides, Kerr was "no good." Reagan listened intently to Lynum's presentation, but he wanted more--much more. He asked for additional information on Kerr, for reports on liberal members of the Board of Regents who might oppose his policies, and for intelligence reports about any upcoming student protests. Just the week before, he had proposed charging tuition for the first time in the university's history, setting off a new wave of protests up and down the state. He told Lynum he feared subversives and liberals would attempt to misrepresent his efforts to establish fiscal responsibility, and that he hoped the FBI would share information about any upcoming demonstrations against him, whether on campus or at his press conferences. It was Reagan's fear, according to Lynum's subsequent report, "that some of his press conferences could be stacked with 'left wingers' who might make an attempt to embarrass him and the state government." Lynum said he understood his concerns, but following Hoover's instructions he made no promises. Then he and Harter wished the ailing governor a speedy recovery, departed the mansion, slipped into their dark four-door Ford, and drove back to the San Francisco field office, where Lynum sent an urgent report to the director. The bedside meeting was extraordinary, but so was the relationship between Reagan and Hoover. It had begun decades earlier, when the actor became an informer in the FBI's investigation of Hollywood Communists. When Reagan was elected president of the Screen Actors Guild, he secretly continued to help the FBI purge fellow actors from the union's rolls. Reagan's informing proved helpful to the House Un-American Activities Committee as well, since the bureau covertly passed along information that could help HUAC hold the hearings that wracked Hollywood and led to the blacklisting and ruin of many people in the film industry. Reagan took great satisfaction from his work with the FBI, which gave him a sense of security and mission during a period when his marriage to Jane Wyman was failing, his acting career faltering, and his faith in the Democratic Party of his father crumbling. In the following years, Reagan and FBI officials courted each other through a series of confidential contacts. (7-8)”

PoliticsHistoryStudentsFbiSocial Movements
Book:Subversives: The FBI's War on Student Radicals, and Reagan's Rise to Power
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“Buku ini mengungkapkan fakta-fakta yang sering dilupakan itu, kisah-kisah perlawanan yang dilakukan oleh rakyat awam, yang sering disepelekan sebagai ‘bukan siapa-siapa’ dan, karena itu, sering pula diabaikan dalam penulisan sejarah resmi atau dalam pemberitaan media arus utama. Pengabaian peran kaum jelata dalam penentuan arah sejarah inilah yang sering membuat kita keliru atau luput memahami fa’al (anatomi) yang sesungguhnya dari suatu proses perubahan.”

Social MovementsSocial Transformation
Book:Tindakan-tindakan Kecil Perlawanan: Bagaimana Keberanian, Ketegaran dan Kecerdikan Dapat Mengubah Dunia
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“Ini bukan sekadar kumpulan cerita. Ini sejarah, penggalan sejarah dari negara-bangsa yang__setelah hampir satu abad__ belum saja selesai dengan diri mereka sendiri. Apapun yang dikatakan oleh pejabat resmi pemerintah, kalangan cendekiawan dan kaum terpelajar, juga para politisi dan aktivis sosial, semuanya terlalu sering berbeda dengan apa sebenarnya yang dialami nyata dan dirasakan oleh jelata awam, warga terbanyak di negeri ini. Mereka punya nalar dan pandangan hidup sendiri terhadap setiap kejadian, termasuk yang menjadi bagian langsung maupu tak langsung dari peristiwa-peristiwa besar nasional atau bahkan global. Seperti kumpulan cerpen ini, karya-karya sastra-lah yang terbukti selama ini paling mampu mengungkapkan kembali ‘sejarah orang kebanyakan’ itu dengan penuh nuansa dan kedalaman yang sulit ditemukan dalam karya-kaya ‘ilmiah akademis”

Social Movements
Book:Seekor Bebek yang Mati di Pinggir Kali: kumpulan cerpen
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“Toplumsal grupların devasa miktarlarda enerji açığa çıkardığı, yoğun bir yaratıcı dışavurumun yaşandığı bu anlarda toplumlar, tahakküm ve itaat yoluyla zamana ve mekana dayatılan gündelik uyuşukluk peçesi, altında gizlenmiş yeraltı moleküler işbirliğini aydınlatma becerisine sahip bir yıldırım gibi davranırlar.”

HistoryPowerOrganizationLiberationSocial Movements
Book:İktidarı Dağıtmak: Devlet Karşıtı Kuvvetler Olarak Toplumsal Hareketler
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“Yerel konseyler zaman zaman toplantı çağrıları yapmış olsalar da, pek çok durumda bu toplantılar mahalle sakinleri için sembolik olmuştur ve aslında, kurum olarak bu mahalle konseyleri o mahallenin eylemleri üzerinde büyük bir etkide bulunmamıştır.”

HistoryPowerOrganizationLiberationSocial Movements
Book:İktidarı Dağıtmak: Devlet Karşıtı Kuvvetler Olarak Toplumsal Hareketler
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