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Burning Falls

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Laura Kreitzer

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“The academic literature describes marshals who “‘police’ other demonstrators,” and who have a “collaborative relationship” with the authorities. This is essentially a strategy of co-optation. The police enlist the protest organizers to control the demonstrators, putting the organization at least partly in the service of the state and intensifying the function of control. (...) Police/protestor cooperation required a fundamental adjustment in the attitude of the authorities. The Negotiated Management approach demanded the institutionalization of protest. Demonstrations had to be granted some degree of legitimacy so they could be carefully managed rather than simply shoved about. This approach de-emphasized the radical or antagonistic aspects of protest in favor of a routinized and collaborative approach. Naturally such a relationship brought with it some fairly tight constraints as to the kinds of protest activity available. Rallies, marches, polite picketing, symbolic civil disobedience actions, and even legal direct action — such as strikes or boycotts — were likely to be acceptable, within certain limits. Violence, obviously, would not be tolerated. Neither would property destruction. Nor would any of the variety of tactics that had been developed to close businesses, prevent logging, disrupt government meetings, or otherwise interfere with the operation of some part of society. That is to say, picketing may be fine, barricades are not. Rallies were in, riots were out. Taking to the streets — under certain circumstances — may be acceptable; taking over the factories was not. The danger, for activists, is that they might permanently limit themselves to tactics that were predictable, non-disruptive, and ultimately ineffective.”

ViolencePoliceRiotRiotsProtestsPolice ViolenceDemonstrations
Book:Our Enemies in Blue: Police and Power in America
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“Warum, mit welchem Recht und aufgrund welcher Erfahrung ausschließen, daß eines Tages in Leipzig und Dresden, in Magdeburg und Schwerin – und in Ostberlin – nicht Hunderte, sondern Hunderttausende auf den Beinen sind und ihre staatsbürgerlichen Rechte einfordern? Einschließlich des Rechts, von einem Teil Deutschlands in den anderen überzusiedeln?" ("Why, from what right and based on what experience exclude the possibility that one day in Leipzig and Dresden, in Magdeburg and Schwerin – and in East Berlin – not merely hundreds but hundreds of thousands will take to the streets and demand their rights as citizens? Including the right to move from one part of Germany to the other?")”

FreedomLibertyDemonstrationsFreedom Of MovementSummer 1989
Book:Erinnerungen
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“Another factor that enhances participation in nonviolent campaigns is the festival-like atmosphere that often accompanies nonviolent rallies and demonstrations -- as exemplified by the recent nonviolent campaigns in Serbia, Ukraine, Lebanon, and Egypt -- where concerts, singing and street theatre attracted large numbers of people (particularly young people) interested in having fun while fighting for a political cause. Humor and satire, which have featured prominently in nonviolent campaigns (less so in armed campaigns), have helped break down barriers of fear and promote solidarity among victims of state-sponsored oppression.”

ResistanceNonviolenceDemonstrationsPeaceful AssemblyPeaceful MarchPeaceful ProtestsProtest StrategyProtest Tactics
Author:Erica Chenoweth (Author)Maria J. Stephan (Author)
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“The more diverse the participation in the resistance -- in terms of gender, age, religion, ethnicity, ideology, profession, and socioeconomic status -- the more difficult it is for the adversary to isolate the participants and adopt a repressive strategy short of maximal and indiscriminate repression.”

ResistanceNonviolenceDemonstrationsPeaceful AssemblyPeaceful MarchPeaceful ProtestsProtest StrategyProtest Tactics
Book:Erica Chenoweth,Maria J. Stephan'sWhy Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict (Columbia Studies in Terrorism and Irregular Warfare) [Hardcover]2011
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“In the sixties, the Commune emerged as a riposte to the nuclear family. This was an autonomic re-creation of not only preindustrial, but pre-agrarian life; it was the Return to Nature, but the Commune, like the colleges from which the idea reemerged, only functioned if Daddy was paying the bills, for the rejection of property can work only in subvention or in slavery. It is only in a summer camp (College or the hippie commune) that the enlightened live on the American Plan—room and board included prepaid—and one is free to frolic all day in the unspoiled woods.”

1960sProgressivesHippies
Book:The Secret Knowledge: On the Dismantling of American Culture
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