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The Bright Idea Box: A Proven System to Drive Employee Engagement and Innovation

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Jag Randhawa

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“Mila este o manifestare a puterii, o reactie de superioritate (un fel de lamentatie indiferenta, rece, care nu schimba cu nimic starea de spirit a celui care o declama), falsa pentru ca nu presupune reflectie, ci doar o constatare care porneste de la diferentierea dintre cel care sufera si cel care proclam mila, cel care se simte sigur pe sine in timp ce seamanul lui se prabuseste. Compasiunea provine semantic in apropiere, empatia sa este reala, bazandu-se pe unitatea dintre cel suferind si cel care isi atribuie fara menajamente suferinta - in timp ce mila este doar o scanare sau o verificare superficiala a diferentierii. Apropierea este, astfel, o modalitate de invatare existentiala, orizontal pentru ca presupune o modestie primara - in timp ce modalitatea verticala ar fi ruperea de tiparul «chipului si asemanrii», egoismul brut al celui care refuza alteritatea, preferand inchiderea de sine, fara scuza expansivitatii. Mila ar fi expresia deghizata al unui nihilism, care imparte lumea intre puternici si «dezavantajati» sau, dup amodelul romantic, intre subiect si «ceilalti», unde ultimul termen este anonim, lipsit de chip si tinde spre vid. «Cele mai bune intentii» sunt enuntate sub masca milei (poate chiar prin mijloace pecuniare), dar ele nu-l pot insela pe cel care isi pune problema din punct de vedere afectiv: cei care sunt adepti ai milei sunt despartiti de realitatea celor suferinzi de un ecran ce le cenzureaza orice participare din interior a atrocitatii. Compasiunea presupune trecerea acestei granite, care te apropie de cel supus traumei, te impinge in chiar spatiul celui «agresat».”

Mila
Book:Existenţialismul astăzi
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“It was against this backdrop that the great fortunes were made, fortunes which allowed the first families to dominate the society of that era. Theodore Parker, a crusading minister in the 1840s, wrote of the Lowells and these other great families: “This class is the controlling one in politics. It mainly enacts the laws of this state and the nation; makes them serve its turn . . . It can manufacture governors, senators, judges to suit its purposes as easily as it can manufacture cotton cloth. This class owns the machinery of society . . . ships, factories, shops, water privileges.” They were also families which had a fine sense of protecting their own position, and they were notorious for giving large grants to Harvard College, which was their college, and just as notorious for doing very little for public education.”

The Wealthy
Book:The Best and the Brightest
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“an aristocracy come to power, convinced of its own disinterested quality, believing itself above both petty partisan interest and material greed. The suggestion that this also meant the holding and wielding of power was judged offensive by these same people, who preferred to view their role as service, though in fact this was typical of an era when many of the great rich families withdrew from the new restless grab for money of a modernizing America, and having already made their particular fortunes, turned to the public arena as a means of exercising power. They were viewed as reformers, though the reforms would be aimed more at the newer seekers of wealth than at those who already held it. (“First-generation millionaires,” Garry Wills wrote in Nixon Agonistes, “give us libraries, second-generation millionaires give us themselves.”)”

The Wealthy
Book:The Best and the Brightest
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