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Michael Bassey Johnson

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“[Refers to 121 children taken into care in Cleveland due to suspected abuse (1987) and later returned to their parents] Sue Richardson, the child abuse consultant at the heart of the crisis, watched as cases began to unravel: “All the focus started to fall on the medical findings; other supportive evidence, mainly which we held in the social services department, started to be screened out. A situation developed where the cases either were proven or fell on the basis of medical evidence alone. Other evidence that was available to the court, very often then, never got put. We would have had statement from the child, the social workers and the child psychologist’s evidence from interviewing. We would have evidence of prior concerns, either from social workers or teachers, about the child’s behaviour or other symptoms that they might have been showing, which were completely aside from the medical findings. (Channel 4 1997) Ten years after the Cleveland crisis, Sue Richardson was adamant that evidence relating to children’s safety was not presented to the courts which subsequently returned those children to their parents: “I am saying that very clearly. In some cases, evidence was not put in the court. In other cases, agreements were made between lawyers not to put the case to the court at all, particularly as the crisis developed. Latterly, that children were sent home subject to informal agreements or agreements between lawyers. The cases never even got as far as the court. (Channel 4, 1997)” Nor is Richardson alone. Jayne Wynne, one of the Leeds paediatricians who had pioneered the use of RAD as an indicator of sexual abuse and who subsequently had detailed knowledge of many of the Cleveland children, remains concerned by the haphazard approach of the courts to their protection. I think the implication is that the children were left unprotected. The children who were being abused unfortunately returned to homes and the abuse may well have been ongoing. (Channel 4 1997)”

LawCrimeEvidenceDoctorsLiesAbusePropagandaManipulationChild AbuseSexual AbuseHypeChild Sexual AbuseAccusationLegalAbuse Of PowerVictimsClevelandAbusersSociety DenialCriminal Justice SystemMedia ManipulationAllegationsChild RapePedophiliaChild ProtectionAbused ChildrenMedia DistortionFalse AccusationPaedophile RingSystemic FailureFalse AllegationsSocial ServicesPedophile RingChild CustodyNspcc
Book:Creative Responses to Child Sexual Abuse: Challenges and Dilemmas
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“from: The Portrayal of Child Sexual Assault in Introductory Psychology Textbooks - Elizabeth J. Letourneau, Tonya C. Lewis One of the central questions surrounding the debate on memories of CSA is how often false or repressed memories actually occur. The APA working group (Alpert et al., 1996) and other experts (e.g., Loftus, 1993a) noted that no reliable method can distinguish between accurate and inaccurate memories. Therefore, no one can determine the prevalence of false or repressed memories. Nevertheless, six texts (30%) implied that false memories occur frequently (see Table 1). Of these, three included the opinionated suggestion that a "witch hunt" may be occurring in which innocent parents are routinely accused of, and then severely punished for, CSA. Two texts suggested that false memories of CSA must occur because an entire support group (the FMSF) has been formed for falsely accused parents. These authors apparently failed to consider that some members of the FMSF may actually have sexually assaulted children but are motivated to appear innocent. (85)”

OpinionLiesMental HealthChild AbuseBiasSexual AbuseRapeHypeChild Sexual AbuseAccusationIncestPseudoscienceSociety DenialRepressed MemoriesFalse MemoriesPedophileWitch HuntRecovered MemoriesFalse Memory Syndrome FoundationFalse Memory SyndromeDenial Of Child AbuseMemory WarsFalse AllegationPseudoscientifcInflammatory
Book:Handbook for Teaching Introductory Psychology: Volume II
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