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Quote by Abhijit Naskar

“Twit & Trash (The Sonnet) There is nothing more cataclysmic than a sea of unarmed citizens out for justice - even the richest oligarchic leeches, armed with billions of robots, tanks and satellites, would crumble like twigs. Born to privilege, most tech giants are tech trash, loaded with more nuts than the Enigma machine. In the salacious pursuit of the silicon dream, these nutters are the antithesis of Tesla and Turing. Tech giants are giants by the will of people, takes less than a month to bankrupt their worth. Any giant who thinks they are above the people, are the puniest form of termites on earth. Clockwork mice and clockwork minds both can run great distances with no sense of why? Children of earth still sleep without food, yet colonizer kids are headed for the sky!”

Quote by Abhijit Naskar

Book:Little Planet on The Prairie: Dunya Benim, Sorumluluk Benim
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Little Planet on The Prairie: Dunya Benim, Sorumluluk Benim

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Abhijit Naskar

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“...jovencitos de 15 años desesperanzados de la vida, que buscan dinero rápido y encuentran muerte exprés”

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Book:El cartel de Sinaloa / The Sinaloa Cartel: Una Historia Del Uso Politico Del Narco/ a History of the Political Use of the Narcotics Detective
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“Evidence of police working for the insurgent Zetas was startling, but would soon become depressingly typical in Mexico. Time and time again, federal troops rolled into cities and accused local police of being deeply entwined with gangsters. Officers no longer just turned a blind eye on smuggling, but worked as kidnappers and assassins in their own right, a grave fragmentation of the state. To aggravate this problem, many federal officers were also found working for gangsters, normally different factions of the Sinaloa Cartel. So as federal troops rounded up Zetas, observers asked whom they were serving: the public or Sinaloan capos? These revelations underline a central problem in the Mexican Drug War. The PRI years featured a delicate dance of corruption; in the democratic years, it turned to a corrupt dance of death. In the old days, police officers were rotten, but at least they worked together. In democracy, police work for competing mafias and actively fight each other. Gangsters target both good police who get in their way and bad police who work for their rivals. For policy makers it becomes a Gordian knot. Added to this thorny issue of corruption is a more fundamental problem of drug-law enforcement. Every time you arrest one trafficker, you are helping his rival. In this way, when the federal police stormed Zetas safe houses, they were scoring victories for Sinaloans, whether they liked it or not. Arrests did not subdue violence, but only inflamed it.”

ViolenceCrimeCorruptionMexicoWar On DrugsInsurgencyDrug CartelsNarcos
Book:El Narco: Inside Mexico's Criminal Insurgency
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“When you go back to Pablo Ecobar, this guy blew up a passenger plane, police headquarters, funded guerrillas to kill Supreme Court justices, and had the number one Colombian presidential candidate assassinated. Now there is no organization in Colombia that can go toe-to-toe with the government, that can threaten the national security of Colombia. In each successive generation of traffickers there has been a dilution of their power. “Pablo Escobar lasted fifteen years. The average kingpin here now lasts fifteen months. If you are named as a kingpin here, you are gone. The government of Colombia and the government of the United States will not allow a trafficker to exist long enough to become a viable threat.” In this analysis, drug enforcement can be seen as a giant hammer that keeps on falling. Any gangster that gets too big gets smashed by the hammer. This is known as cartel decapitation, taking out the heads of the gang. The villains are kept in check. But the drug trade does go on, and so does the war.”

ViolenceCrimeMurderTerrorismWar On DrugsColombiaInsurgencyDrug CartelsNarcos
Book:El Narco: Inside Mexico's Criminal Insurgency
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“But the dynamics of Mexican cartels have also developed in distinct ways from Colombia. Mexico has seven major cartels—Sinaloa, Juárez, Tijuana, La Familia, Beltrán Leyva, the Gulf, and the Zetas—so it is hard to decapitate them all at once. When leaders such as Osiel Cárdenas are taken out, their organizations have only become more violent, as rival lieutenants fight to become top dog. Groups such as the Zetas and Familia have also become powerful because of their brand names rather than the reputation of their capos. Even if Zetas leader Heriberto Lazcano, the Executioner, is arrested, the Zetas will likely continue as a fearsome militia. Whether the cartels will get weaker or not, everybody agrees that Mexico needs to clean up its police to move forward. Different corrupt cops firing at each other and working for rival capos is nobody’s vision of progress. Such police reform is of course easier said than done. Mexican presidents have talked about it for years, going through numerous cleanups and reorganization of forces, only to create new rotten units. A central problem is the sheer number of different agencies. Mexico has several federal law enforcement departments, thirty-one state authorities, and 2,438 municipal police forces. However, in October 2010, Calderón sent a bill to be approved by Congress that could make a real difference to the police. His controversial proposal was to absorb all Mexico’s numerous police forces into one unified authority like the Colombians have. It is a colossal reform with a huge amount of technical problems. But such a reform could be a key factor in pulling Mexico away from the brink. Even if drugs are eventually legalized, a single police force would be a better mechanism to fight other elements of organized crime, such as kidnapping. The approach has many critics. Some argue it would only streamline corruption. But even that would be a better thing for peace. At least corrupt cops could be on the same side instead of actively gunning each other down. Others argue an all-powerful force would be authoritarian. Maybe. But any such force would still be controlled by democratic government. The spiderweb of different police forces only worked because one party ran everything. In democracy, this arrangement needs reform. If a crucial cause of the breakdown in Mexico has been the fragmentation of government power, then a way forward could be to unify its police under one command. Some of the fundamental problems and core solutions lie in Mexico’s institutions.”

CrimeCorruptionMexicoWar On DrugsDrug CartelsNarcos
Book:El Narco: Inside Mexico's Criminal Insurgency
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