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“Page 3: My family is part of the Philippines’ tiny but entrepreneurial, economically powerful Chinese minority. Just 1 percent of the population, Chinese Filipinos control as much as 60 percent of the private economy, including the country’s four major airlines and almost all of the country’s banks, hotels, shopping malls, and major conglomerates. ... Since my aunt’s murder, one childhood memory keeps haunting me. I was eight, staying at my family’s splendid hacienda-style house in Manila. It was before dawn, still dark. Wide awake, I decided to get a drink from the kitchen. I must have gone down an extra flight of stairs, because I literally stumbled onto six male bodies. I had found the male servants’ quarters. My family’s houseboys, gardeners, and chauffeurs—I sometimes imagine that Nilo Abique [the chauffeur that murdered her aunt] was among those men—were sleeping on mats on a dirt floor. The place stank of sweat and urine. I was horrified. Later that day I mentioned the incident to my Aunt Leona, who laughed affectionately and explained that the servants—there were perhaps twenty living on the premises, all ethnic Filipinos—were fortunate to be working for our family. If not for their positions, they would be living among rats and open sewers without even a roof over their heads. A Filipino maid then walked in; I remember that she had a bowl of food for my aunt’s Pekingese. My aunt took the bowl but kept talking as if the maid were not there. The Filipinos, she continued—in Chinese, but plainly not caring whether the maid understood or not—were lazy and unintelligent and didn’t really want to do much else. If they didn’t like working for us, they were free to leave any time. After all, my aunt said, they were employees, not slaves.”

Quote by Amy Chua

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Amy Chua
Amy Chua

Amy Chua is an American law professor known for her book 'Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother'. She teaches at Yale Law School and focuses on family, law, and social policy. more

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“Page 209: Indeed, according to Friedlander, ‛autonomy relationships during the twentieth century were mainly designed as placebos to frustrate independence movements and offset secessionist pressures … In almost every instance, grants of autonomy were reluctantly given and ungratefully received.’ Several examples of regional autonomy are described below, and it is clear that as long as ethnic and administrative boundaries coincide, decentralization of economic and political powers by region will not necessarily reduce the secessionist pressures and in all likelihood will only fuel the secessionist fires.”

“Page 25: What, then, is the explanation which the student of human evolution has to offer as a final purpose for man’s existence? It is not, as the Victorian scientists thought, to permit the individual man or woman to develop his latent potentialities; but to permit a closed society, be it tribe or nation, to develop its collective potentialities of brain and of body as an evolutionary unit. It is only when we make the assumption that evolution aims at the production of societies – not of individuals that we come by a satisfying explanation of man’s dual mentality, and the constituent elements of human nature.”

“Demographics and Revolt” by Yggdrasil In most states, approximately 30% of all votes cast are by those above the age of 60, even though they comprise a much smaller percentage of the total population. The American Association of Retired Persons ("AARP") lobbies this group to write their Congressmen in favor of free immigration on the theory that new immigrants will pay Social Security taxes needed to fund Social Security payments to retirees in our "pay- as-you- go" unfunded Social Security System. An unspoken premise of free immigration is that the new arrivals will be willing to pay this tax. Twenty years from now [2012-2030] 60 million post-WW II "baby-boomers" now in the work force will begin retiring and drawing Social Security benefits. Employment taxes amount to 15% of payroll now, including both employer and employee pieces. In twenty years, these taxes must rise to 25% to fund the retiring baby boomers. Over 70% of these "baby-boom" retirees will be European- Americans. But in 20 years, 55% of the people entering the workforce between the ages of 20 and 30 will be people of color. It is inconceivable that members of this group, accustomed as they are to racial preference and to block racial voting, will sit by and watch 25% of their earnings go to fund retirement benefits for European-Americans. It won't happen! Because "minority" racial interests will be at stake, Social Security benefits will be cut for all except the indigent, among whom such "minorities" will be over-represented.”

“Long years of white liberal arguments that blacks have been – and still are – invariably innocent of accusations, because of the contemporary suffering and the suffering of their ancestors, has now convinced an articulate percentage of the black community that blacks should not be arrested or punished – no matter what they do [Otto Scott’s Compass, September 1, 1998, Vol. 9, Issue 97, p.3]. [Pres.] Johnson ... [n]ever seem[ed] to realize that [‘a wave of black riots, racial denunciations, and violence’] in response to enlarged opportunities [after the civil rights legislation of the 60s] are not signs of progress, but the response of a violent minority to perceived weakness [Otto Scott’s Compass, December 1, 1998, Vol. 9, Issue 100, p.3].”

“Page 334 - Perhaps the most notable characteristic of ethnic parties is the extent to which they preempt the organizational field, crowding out parties founded on other bases. Left parties have been particularly affected by this. Over and over again, socialist intellectuals in the developing world have organized parties intending to do battle on class lines, only to find that their potential followings had rather different ideas about the identity of the enemy. Page 337 - In conventional Marxist thinking, whole ethnic groups, at least unranked ones, could scarcely be said to occupy a class position at all. By redefining ethnic interests in terms used to characterize class positions, it became ideologically permissible to justify the reliance of a left-wing party on the support of a single ethnic group—even if some doctrinal gymnastics were involved in the redefinition.”

“Page 32 - Ethnic conflict, however, impedes or obscures class conflict when ethnic groups are cross-class, as they are in unranked systems. There is, under those circumstances, a strong tendency to reject class conflict, for it would require either interethnic class-based alliances or intraethnic class antagonisms, either of which would detract from the ethnic solidarity that unranked ethnic conflict requires”

“To view ethnicity as a form of greatly extended kinship is to recognize, as ethnic groups do, the role of putative descent. There are fictive elements here, but the idea, if not always the fact, of common ancestry makes it possible for ethnic groups to think in terms of family resemblances—traits held in common, on a supposedly genetic basis, or cultural features acquired inn early childhood—and to bring into play for a much wider circle those concepts of mutual obligation and antipathy to outsiders that are applicable to family relations.”