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Gambler Quotes

“The question is not how to totally denormalize sports betting such that putting $5 on the Cubs becomes socially or legally unacceptable. The question is how to normalize safe betting practices and, more importantly, to put a system in place that prevents unsafe practices from developing in the first place.”

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“The classification of gambling as an addictive activity means that at some point, problem gamblers are not choosing to gamble. The road to addiction is smoothed for them by sportsbooks. The design of the app interfaces, the nonstop stream of betting options, the relentless advertising, and the auspiciously timed bonus offers all serve to keep people like Kyle engaged, maximizing their “customer lifetime value,” the industry’s holy grail metric dating back to the days of DFS. If sportsbooks have smoothed bettors’ paths to heavy losses and gambling disorder, then states have smoothed sportsbooks’ paths to products that let them do so.”

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“Executives and spokespeople constantly argue that offshore, illegal sportsbooks do not have to comply with any regulations or pay any taxes. But legal sportsbooks should be held to a higher standard than illegal operators.”

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“Sportsbooks are doing much more than siphoning money that would have already been spent on betting. They are inculcating sports betting among people who never would have bet otherwise, creating new generations of gamblers.”

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“Sportsbooks’ current business model relies on a small percentage of bettors losing a lot of money, and their bottom line would be in grave danger if these RG [Responsible Gaming] tools were in wider use. Not surprisingly, most of these tools are entirely optional, and available data indicates extremely low uptake rates. In its home state of Massachusetts, DraftKings reported 0.1 percent of players set a time limit for app use, 0.13 percent set a spending limit, 1.4 percent had used a “cool-off” period, and a whopping 2.3 percent had set a deposit limit. As former problem gambler and longtime marketing professional Jamie Salsburg explained, the messaging around RG is “broken” and is not designed in such a way to effectively reach the people who most need to use RG tools. The messaging is not the only thing that is broken. Optional tools rely on a moment of clarity from someone who might already be chasing their losses. These tools are, fundamentally, the wrong way to protect players.”

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“At the 2024 MIT Sloan Sports Analytics Conference, Kristie Savage, head of data science at Fanatics Betting and Gaming, gave a presentation entitled “Predicting Problem Gambling Among Sports Bettors.” Savage explained how Fanatics creates player risk profiles using two measures, one of risky behavior and another based on the trend of that behavior if it is becoming more or less risky. Within a week of someone gambling on their app, Savage boasted, Fanatics can identify about half of all high-risk players. The presentation confirms what the Public Health Advocacy Institute and others have long suspected: Sportsbooks have massive amounts of data on players. If they wanted to, companies could use that data to stop unsafe practices before they develop. They are actively choosing not to deploy these predictive models, which would catch people like Kyle before they get into trouble.”

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“Some sportsbooks are notorious for delaying customer withdrawals. An uncharitable interpretation is that companies intentionally keep as much money in players’ accounts as long as they can in the hopes that players will get the urge to gamble. Withdrawals should be as frictionless as possible, with severe penalties for unnecessarily prolonged withdrawals. Deposits, meanwhile, should entail much more friction. Some advocates have called for a ban on credit card deposits (already in place in seven states), though evidence from the United Kingdom suggests that this measure does not help problem or at-risk gamblers. More promising would be a limit on the number of deposits a bettor can make within each twenty-four-hour period. Rather than rely on players to set a time or deposit limit, sportsbooks should use their data on players to identify when they are chasing their losses and should block them from accessing or funding their account for a certain amount of time.”

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“No one is watching Malaysian women’s doubles badminton at four in the morning hoping to make every moment more by placing a little money on the match, though it is perfectly legal to do so in some states. If someone is gambling on such an obscure sport, they are seeking action wherever they can find it. They would bet on a coin flip if they could and Kyle describes his late-night betting on minor league British darts as effectively doing this. States make rules as to which sports to include in their betting catalogs and what types of outcomes are acceptable to bet on. These lists should be shortened. Obscure sports account for fractions of sportsbooks’ revenue but cause massive amounts of harm for the small subset of people using them to feed their addictions. If anything, certain bets could effectively become trapdoors to snag problem bettors: Place a bet on an obscure sport in the middle of the night on a Tuesday after a day of heavy losses? Congratulations, you’ve won an automatic limit on app access, bet size, and deposits.”

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“Gradually his wagers got bigger, as he needed to gamble more money to have the same thrill that he had once gotten from just $5. And because he was betting digitally, the “money never felt real.” Scholars have documented that casino chips help dissociate gamblers from the size of their bets, encouraging them to act more liberally than they ever would with cash. Smartphones take this dissociation to a whole new level.”

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“His partner knew he liked sports but had no idea the extent of his gambling. They would have explosive fights sometimes, which multiple family members said was very unlike him. His gambling set him constantly on edge, exacerbating the tensions in their relationship. Andrew was, by his own admission, living two lives, and he could not prevent one life from affecting the other.”

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“When someone engages in a pleasurable activity like gambling, their brain releases dopamine, a neurotransmitter that processes rewards. Dopamine is what makes these activities feel pleasurable. Psychiatrist Anna Lembke explains that pleasure and pain act on an equilibrium, encouraging limits on the activity in question, no matter how enjoyable. Over time, repeated exposure to pleasure means the brain requires more of that activity—gambling with more money, for example—to receive the same amount of dopamine. Once someone has built up a tolerance, they are susceptible to addiction and, with their equilibrium imbalanced in favor of pain, they will need ever-increasing amounts to experience even a modicum of pleasure—or simply a break from pain.”

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“Gambling addiction is not an addiction to winning money. Problem gamblers’ brains do not release any more dopamine when they win a bet than non-problem gamblers’ brains. The largest difference—when problem gamblers release markedly more dopamine than non-problem gamblers—comes at moments of high uncertainty. These instances provide the rush and the fleeting pleasure/pain equilibrium to which problem gamblers are addicted.”

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“He was addicted to the dopamine high that came with the feeling of a bet hanging on the outcome of a game, having a stake in something he could not control. “Since I started gambling, I could turn every day—no matter how much work/school/ stress I had into the most exciting day of the year,” he later wrote in his journal. He would bet in the shower. He would bet while driving. Betting became his reason to wake up in the morning. He would place a wager before he fell asleep and wake up eagerly to check the result. Regardless of the outcome, he would place another bet, his action the only thing that could motivate him to get out of bed and start the day.”

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“Winning money felt different, providing a hit of dopamine no biweekly direct deposit ever could. Unlike a salary, winning said something about the gambler as a person. It marked them as a winner. The lottery lets bettors feel they are lucky or blessed. Sports betting lets gamblers feel smart. Of course, luck plays an important role in sports, and by extension in sports betting. However, because gamblers make their own picks, they can imagine sports betting as an exercise in intelligence.”

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“Many sports fans—especially young men—feel they have a unique understanding of the games they watch. Sports betting capitalizes on this unearned confidence, daring fans to prove that they know sports better than their friends, their coworkers, and the hosts of their local sports talk radio station. When their intuition is wrong, these same fans have a remarkable ability to maintain their confidence, convinced that their wins are the result of their knowledge of the game and their losses are due to unlucky bounces.”

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“Rather than feel humbled by a big loss, gamblers instead have an urge to bet more to win it all back. Anna Lembke theorizes that problem gamblers are addicted to chasing their money: “The more they lose, the stronger the urge to continue gambling, and the stronger the rush when they win.” Andrew chased, and he lost. But he did not panic. After all, he was the sports genius who had been up $43,000. So he kept betting, buoyed by the belief that, “If I got up all this… I can get it back so quick, because I got it so quick, right?”

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“Here was the downside of gambling as a signifier of intelligence: If winning says a bettor is smart, what does losing say? Gamblers chase as much to recover money as to recover their self-esteem. And if they keep betting, they can avoid admitting they have lost. So, if he was down $40,000, what was another $5,000 or $10,000 compared to the possibility of wiping the slate clean?”

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“Parlay bets are the combination of at least two wagers. A parlay wager might include a bet that a baseball team will win, the pitcher will record at least three strikeouts, and the catcher will hit a home run. The possibilities are endless, and the added bets don’t all have to come from the same game or even the same sport. The upside is that, with each additional component, the payout rate goes up. The downside is that parlays are all or nothing: If a single leg of the parlay misses, the whole bet loses, so adding more lines to the parlay drastically reduces the odds of winning. The result is pure excitement. “A parlay is sort of like poppers mixed with molly mixed with cocaine mixed with a heart condition,” journalist Anthony Schneck writes. The excitement factor is offset by the fact that parlays are simply a dumb way to bet for the vast majority of gamblers. Between 1989 and 2023, casinos kept roughly five cents for every dollar bet on non-parlay sports bets and thirty-one cents for every dollar bet on parlays; still, parlays are hugely popular among amateur bettors, especially in the United States. In the age of cryptocurrency and GameStop, these gamblers want to multiply their money many times over, and they want to do it quickly. So they turn to parlays, which represent the jackpotification of sports betting, the transformation of sports betting slips into lottery tickets.”

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“His gambling routine was blessedly interrupted in March 2020, when professional sports shut down amid the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. But before too long, Korean baseball came back, followed by tennis. Because he was working from home, he could have sports on all the time. It was like an “NCAA Tournament every day, every week.” Not knowing any other bookies, Andrew turned to the two largest offshore, online sportsbooks: Bovada.lv and BetOnline.ag. Both offer a wide array of sports betting options, as well as casino games and poker. BetOnline consistently accepts credit cards, which only sometimes worked on Bovada. For the latter, Andrew would deposit money into cryptocurrency exchange Coinbase, purchase Bitcoin, and immediately deposit the Bitcoin into Bovada, where it was converted into cash he could use to gamble. On the offshore sportsbooks, Andrew resumed his normal betting routine. But once he started gambling with credit cards, he began racking up significant debt.”

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“Once he went into debt, Andrew’s imperative shifted. He kept betting less to try to recover his losses or his ego and more to win money that would allow him to prevent anyone from discovering his gambling problem. Andrew’s doubling down speaks to an important feature of gambling disorder: It represents the only addiction where the affected individual can reasonably hope their addiction will solve the problems that stem from that addiction. Someone dependent on alcohol, for instance, has no reason to hope that their next drink will relieve them of their substance use disorder. A problem gambler, on the other hand, can hold on to the belief that all it takes is one big win to wipe out all of their debt, and therefore all the negative consequences of their gambling. As a result, many keep betting, and keep losing, which only makes them more desperate to bet, and so on. Andrew fell into this exact trap. He would gamble, and the feeling of his life hanging in the balance only made his bets even more thrilling. Eventually, he would win enough to come close to getting out of credit card debt. Rather than stop betting, he would push to try and get enough for all of it. Then he would start to lose again. And the cycle would continue.”

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“Problem gambling has a higher suicide rate than any other type of addiction. According to a 2023 Rutgers study of New Jersey bettors, almost 30 percent of individuals with a gambling disorder reported thoughts of suicide, 25 percent had engaged in self-harm, and 20 percent had attempted suicide. An important factor is gender. Men are already much more likely to die by suicide than women, and heavy gamblers, especially sports bettors, are predominantly male. Gambling studies scholarship offers two additional reasons for the high prevalence of suicide among problem gamblers. First is indebtedness, the understanding that the gambler’s debts would disappear with them. The second is shame. Gambling addiction has not been destigmatized nearly as much as other substance addictions.”

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“Andrew received an email notification every time he accessed his FanDuel account, and there were some days when he would log in twenty times, the only gap a few hours of sleep between 3:00 and 7:00 a.m. (it is not possible to determine how long he kept the site open each time he logged in). More troublesome was the pace of his deposits. He would rapid-fire money into his account, on one day making twelve deposits totaling nearly $1,000, behavior that suggests he was chasing losses. ... FanDuel never flagged Andrew’s account. Sportsbooks make choices all the time about limiting players. They have a habit, in fact, of cutting off or severely limiting anyone who wins consistently, in some cases doing so under the guise of protecting problem gamblers. But people like Andrew, who was exhibiting clear signs of problematic play but consistently losing, are welcome to keep betting.”

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“Isaac Rose-Berman explains, many professional bettors purposefully engage in betting behaviors that make them look irresponsible, such as logging in at odd hours or withdrawing money and then canceling the withdrawal to keep money in their account (to give the appearance that they can’t resist betting). These sharp players know that sportsbooks don’t want to cut off bettors like Andrew. They reason that the longer they can make the sportsbooks think they have an addiction, the longer they will be allowed to bet without limits on their account.”

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“Fundamentally, sportsbooks want to limit their own liability, not people’s gambling. They also reason that any restrictions will not actually stop the problem but will simply send bettors into the waiting, willing arms of a rival. If someone is going to gamble more than they can afford, it might as well be on their app.”

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“Claiming bogus medical reimbursements, he transferred the entirety of his HSA into his bank account to fund his gambling. His mother gave him $8,000 in May to purchase an engagement ring, and over the course of the next three days he transferred almost half of her check into FanDuel.”

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“Andrew missed two mortgage payments and the bank called his father, whose name remained on the title. His parents confronted him and, seven years after he placed his first bet, he confessed that he had a gambling problem. It came as a complete surprise. His mother said it felt “like we were hit by a truck.” For his father, the confession immediately explained so much of Andrew’s behavior the previous few years: his shabby clothes and beat-up car that seemed out of place for a young attorney, his isolation, his use of the family credit card for innocuous purchases, his moodiness, his encyclopedic knowl- edge of seemingly every sport, his addiction to his phone, and so on.”

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“In the years immediately following the Murphy decision, sportsbooks got almost everything they realistically could have wanted in the American marketplace. Sports gambling became legal in thirty-eight states; online gambling in thirty. Industry lobbying generally kept tax rates low. Partnerships with leagues and celebrity spokespeople embedded gambling into the sports ecosystem. Advertising made it inescapable. And the bets came pouring in.”

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“Little needs to be done to persuade people that stealing to support a gambling habit is wrong. But what about a sportsbook identifying a bettor who is trying to quit and targeting them with promotional credits? What about an app interface with limitless betting options designed to satiate bettors’ constant need for action, where one can lose multiple mortgage payments in a matter of seconds? What about an industry whose entire business model relies on a small percentage of players losing large amounts of money?”

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“Every other addictive product that you can think of, government seeks to regulate its distribution and consumption,” Levant observes. Given gambling’s official classification as addictive, and especially the evidence about the habit-forming potential of online gambling, a public-health framework suggests the need for measures to protect consumers before they have the chance to harm themselves or someone else.”

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“By the time someone recognizes the need for a deposit limit, their dopamine pathways may already be rewired in a way that makes it difficult to slow their gambling -- and therefore makes them unwilling to opt into a program to do so.”

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“The industry's version of 'responsible gaming' is designed to pull people from the river once they are drowning rather than requiring guardrails to make sports gambling products less dangerous,” Daynard, Gottlieb, and Levant wrote in 2022.”

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“The RG [Responsible Gaming] approach is rooted in personal responsibility. By suggesting that players should play responsibly, RG implies that doing so is entirely up to them. If someone develops a gambling problem, then they did not properly utilize the resources made available in the sportsbook app. People have agency and should face the consequences of their decisions, good or bad. But the RG model places the burden on gamblers to make good choices while obfuscating that sportsbooks’ products make it difficult to make better choices. The model also ignores that once someone is hooked on gambling they are no longer actively choosing to play. Instead, their addiction makes it impossible for them to stop.”

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“Tobacco companies have long insisted that smoking is a choice. They do so even as they have adjusted their cigarettes to ensure just the right balance between ammonia and nicotine to keep smokers chemically hooked.”

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“No matter how small they make the font, RG [Responsible Gaming] messages are exactly what the sportsbooks want. RG reinforces to bettors that playing safely is up to them and them only. As historian Sarah Milov explains, warning labels were nominally placed on cigarettes to warn customers about the risks to their health. However, they also served to protect the tobacco industry from tort litigation, as “Americans could no longer claim they had not been warned about the risks” of smoking. Though hardly as prominent or as morbid as cigarette warning labels, responsible gaming messages serve much the same purpose, inoculating the industry in the event bettors get carried away.”

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“Internet sports gambling has particular consequences for young bettors, nearly a third of whom said someone has expressed concern to them about their gambling and almost a quarter have at one point lied about the extent of their betting. While most states only allow bets from those who are at least twenty-one, high schoolers have found ways to get in on the action too. Young people are already used to gamified algorithms shaping much of their lives, from who they date to the TV shows they watch. Online sports betting adds a new level of gamification to sports gambling, which is itself a gamification of actual sports.”

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“Young Americans are open to a range of speculative forms of investing, from the stock market to cryptocurrency to video game skins. Many in this generation have disposable income, but not so much that they see a realistic possibility of saving up to buy a home, start a business, or pay off their student loans. So they gamble instead, whether on March Madness or meme stocks, hoping to multiply their money many times over.”

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“Young men across the globe have a documented appetite for risky behavior that might predispose them to gambling, especially for large stakes. In the United States, this appetite for risk is augmented by a relative decline in income for all but the top-earning men and by lower rates of enrollment in higher education compared to women. For many, gambling presents a seemingly rational alternative way to try and get rich. The sportsbooks know all this.”

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“The two companies that dominate the American sports gambling market—FanDuel and DraftKings—came onto the scene in the mid-2010s as the purveyors of daily fantasy sports. Today, they control 75 percent of the American sports betting market, generating a combined $8.07 billion in revenue in 2023. Their political spending has made it almost as easy to find one of their lobbyists at a state house as it is to find one of their ads on TV. In many ways, they are more tech companies than sportsbooks, given their reliance on specialized software to generate constantly changing lines on every possible game and every possible outcome within those games. Like other tech companies, they know how to find their target demographic and how to keep them engaged. They keep players hooked with everything from carefully constructed app interfaces to VIP hosts, all with the goal of extracting as much money as possible from as many gamblers as possible.”

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“Much of sportsbooks’ behavior is obviously less about competing with the black market and instead about cultivating a new generation of gamblers. “Anybody under twenty-five they have their eye on,” one former FanDuel employee said of their old company. The vast majority of these bettors would likely never have bet illegally. But the companies know that young people are crucial for their bottom line, that bettors between the ages of twenty-five and thirty-five are “the guys that bring you all the money,” the former FanDueler told me.”

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“Fearful of competition, of demanding stockholders, and of public and private entities seeking greater cuts of their profits, sportsbooks allow people on their platforms to develop gambling problems. Then they let them keep betting until the money runs out.”

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“After the 2018 Supreme Court decision, sports betting launched in thirty-eight states in less than six years. In much of the country, this rapid pace was facilitated by the gambling industry, which not only lobbied for legalization but helped write the bills and the regulations governing its own behavior.”

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