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Famous Leo Strauss Quotes

“[T]hough in all practical matters it is indispensable, either always or mostly, to follow custom, to do what is generally done, in theoretical matters it is simply untrue. In practical matters there is a right of the first occupant: what is established must be respected. In theoretical matters this cannot be. Differently stated: The rule of practice is 'let sleeping dogs lie,' do not disturb the established. In theoretical matters the rule is 'do not let sleeping dogs lie.' Therefore, we cannot defer to precedent . . . .”

LogicCritical ThinkingFallaciesLeo StraussAd Populum Fallacy
Book:On Plato's Symposium
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“La leçon qui veut donner Xénophon en montrant Simonide en train d'écouter en silence le long discourse de Hiéron, puis en lui répondant, peut être exprimée maintenant de la façon suivante: même un homme parfaitement juste qui veut donner des conseils à un tyran doit se présenter comme un homme dénué de tous scrupules. Le plus grand homme qui ait jamais imité le Hiéron fut Machiavel. Je ne serais pas surpris si une étude suffisamment attentive de l'œuvre de Machiavel conduisait à la conclusion que c'est précisément le fait que Machiavel a parfaitement compris la principale leçon pédagogique de Xénophon qui explique les phrases les plus choquantes du Prince. Mais si Machiavel a compris la leçon de Xénophon, il ne l'a certainement pas appliquée dans l'esprit de son auteur. Car, d'après Xénophon, le conseiller du tyran doit apparaître comme un homme dénué de tous scrupules, non parce qu'il déclare ne craindre ni l'enfer ni le diable ou qu'il professe des principes immoraux, mais du simple fait qu'il s'abstient de tenir compte des principes moraux. Il doit manifester son affranchissement réel ou supposé à cet égard, non par le discours, mais par le silence car, en procédant ainsi - en méprisant la morale par l'action plutôt qu'en l'attaquant par le discours, il révèle en même temps sa compréhension des choses politiques. Xénophon, ou son Simonide, est plus politique que Machiavel; il refuse de séparer la modération (ou la prudence) de la sagesse (ou perspicacité).”

ActionDiscoursePolitiqueMachiavelPrincipes MorauxSimonideXénophon
Book:On Tyranny
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“[Many ordinary people] would admit, as a matter of course, that man can lie and does lie. But they would add that lies are short-lived and cannot stand the test of repetition—let alone of constant repetition—and that therefore a statement which is constantly repeated and never contradicted must be true. Another line of argument maintains that a statement made by an ordinary fellow may be a lie, but the truth of a statement made by a responsible and respected man, and therefore particularly by a man in a highly responsible or exalted position, is morally certain. These two enthymemes lead to the conclusion that the truth of a statement which is constantly repeated by the head of government and never contradicted is absolutely certain.”

PropagandaMendacity19411952Big Lie
Book:Persecution and the Art of Writing
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“As a political leader, Xenophon was forced to adapt himself to this situation and to induce those he led to do so. Among the most impressive passages in the Anabasis are the speeches in which he instructs his fellow Greeks on the necessity of compliance with certain Spartan demands that are far from just or reasonable and, in general, on the necessity of accommodating themselves to “those who now rule Greece.” [123] Readers who are at all sensitive to how harsh political necessity can occasionally be may also find in Xenophon the writer, in his treatment of the Spartans, a model of how to proceed under like circumstances. He applauded and thus encouraged what was good, while pointing out without rancor or bitterness what was bad, to the extent that it was prudent and useful to do so. To return to what distinguished him from the elder and younger Cyruses, the high qualities which in the case of the two Persians (that is, barbarians) could be prevented from doing political harm only by being suppressed, or excised from the soul, could safely thrive in Xenophon, who had had the benefit of a Socratic education, an education that those qualities among others fitted him to receive. [123] Anabasis VI 6.8–16 and VII 1.25–31; compare III 2.37 and VI 1.26–28.”

XenophonAnabasis
Book:History of Political Philosophy
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“But whereas Cyrus wanted his praises to be sung by all human beings, Xenophon was concerned primarily with honor from his friends.[125] Unlike Cyrus, he was not as eager for praise from incompetent judges as from competent ones. This difference helps us to understand his equanimity in the face of the most varied political fortunes: for example, the dignity and wit with which he defended himself when confronted with ingratitude and baseless hostility on the part of the very men whose lives he had saved.[126] It helps us also to understand his ability to leave political life to return to a private life. [...] Country retirement, while lacking the immediate challenges to heart and mind presented by politics at their peak, would have appealed to him as allowing more leisure for contemplation and writing—especially since that contemplation might embrace, as we know from the Anabasis that it did, his own political experiences among other things. For a man like Xenophon, the contemplative reliving of experiences was sure to be a deepening of them. It could thus have been looked forward to as promising a more profound enjoyment than the original experiences themselves, and one less mixed with pain. [125]Cyropaedia III 2.31; Anabasis VI 1.20. 126. [126]Anabasis VII 6.11 ff.; compare V 7.5 ff. and 8.2 ff.”

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Book:History of Political Philosophy
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“La loi et la légitimité sont problématiques si on les considère du point de vue le plus élevé, c'est-à-dire du point de vue de la sagesse. Dans la mesure où la cité est la communauté dont la loi maintient la cohésion et même que la loi constitue, elle ne peut même pas aspirer à ce niveau intellectuel et moral suprême auquel peuvent atteindre certains individus. Par conséquent, la meilleure cité se situe moralement et intellectuellement sur un plan inférieur à celui du meilleur individu. La cité comme telle existe sur un plan inférieur à celui de l'individu comme tel. L'individualisme ainsi compris est au fond du cosmopolitisme de Xénophon.”

SageLoiIndividualismeCitéCosmopolitisme
Book:On Tyranny: An Interpretation Of Xenophon's Hiero
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“Il n'y a qu'une seule hypothèse raisonnable: le tyran craint le sage parce que celui-ci pourrait tenter de le renverser, non pas afin de restaurer un gouvernement libre, mais pour devenir un tyran lui-même ou conseiller utilement un disciple ou un ami sur le procédé à employer pour devenir tyran en renversant le tyran régnant. le raisonnement de Hiéron n'exclut pas la conception populaire de la sagesse, mais la confirme plutôt: il n'exclut pas, mais confirme plutôt l'idée que le sage est un tyran potentiel.”

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Book:On Tyranny: An Interpretation Of Xenophon's Hiero
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“For the Christian, the sacred doctrine is revealed theology; for the Jew and the Muslim, the sacred doctrine is, at least primarily, the legal interpretation of the Divine Law (talmud or fiqh). The sacred doctrine in the latter sense has, to say the least, much less in common with philosophy than the sacred doctrine in the former sense. It is ultimately for this reason that the status of philosophy was, as a matter of principle, much more precarious in Judaism and in Islam than in Christianity: in Christianity philosophy became an integral part of the officially recognized and even required training of the student of the sacred doctrine. This difference explains partly the eventual collapse of philosophic inquiry in the Islamic and in the Jewish world, a collapse which has no parallel in the Western Christian world.”

PhilosophyTheologyIntroductionDivine Law1952FiqhTalmud
Book:Persecution and the Art of Writing
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“What is called freedom of thought in a large number of cases amounts to—and even for all practical purposes consists of—the ability to choose between two or more different views presented by the small minority of people who are public speakers or writers. If this choice is prevented, the only kind of intellectual independence of which many people are capable is destroyed, and that is the only freedom of thought which is of political importance.”

Freedom Of ThoughtFreedom Of Choice1945The Masses1952
Book:Persecution and the Art of Writing
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“In fact, it is by no means certain that the purpose of Plato or of Aristotle, as Fārābī understood it, required the actualization of the best political order or of the virtuous city. Fārābī adumbrates the problem by making a distinction between Socrates’ investigations and Plato’s investigations, as well as between “the way of Socrates” and the way adopted eventually by Plato. “The science and the art of Socrates” which is to be found in Plato’s Laws, is only a part of Plato’s, the other part being “the science and the art of Timaeus” which is to be found in the Timaeus. “The way of Socrates” is characterized by the emphasis on “the scientific investigation of justice and the virtues,” whereas the art of Plato is meant to supply “the science of the essence of every being” and hence especially the science of the divine and on the natural things. The difference between the way of Socrates and the way of Plato points back to the difference between the attitude of the two men toward the actual cities. The crucial difficulty was created by the political or social status of philosophy: in the nations and cities of Plato’s time, there was no freedom of teaching and of investigation. Socrates was therefore confronted with the alternative, whether he should choose security and life, and thus conform with the false opinions and the wrong way of life of his fellow-citizens, or else non-conformity and death. Socrates chose non-conformity and death. Plato found a solution to the problem posed by the fate of Socrates, in founding the virtuous city in speech: only in that “other city” can man reach his perfection. Yet, according to Fārābī, Plato “repeated” his account of the way of Socrates and he “repeated” the mention of the vulgar of the cities and nations which existed in his time. The repetition amounts to a considerable modification of the first statement, or to a correction of the Socratic way. The Platonic way, as distinguished from the Socratic way, is a combination of the way of Socrates with the way of Thrasymachus; for the intransigent way of Socrates is appropriate only for the philosopher’s dealing with the elite, whereas the way of Thrasymachus, which is both more and less exacting than the former, is appropriate for his dealing with the vulgar. What Fārābī suggests is that by combining the way of Socrates with the way of Thrasymachus, Plato avoided the conflict with the vulgar and thus the fate of Socrates. Accordingly, the revolutionary quest for the other city ceased to be necessary: Plato substituted it for a more constructive way of action, namely, the gradual replacement of the accepted opinions by the truth or an approximation of the truth. The replacement of the accepted opinions could not be gradual, if it were not accompanied by a provisional acceptance of the accepted opinions: as Fārābī elsewhere declares, conformity with the opinions of the religious community in which one is brought up, is a necessary qualification for the future philosopher. The replacement of the accepted opinions could not be gradual if it were not accompanied by the suggestion of opinions which, while pointing toward the truth, do not too flagrantly contradict the accepted opinions. We may say that Fārābī’s Plato eventually replaces the philosopher-king who rules openly in the virtuous city, by the secret kingship of the philosopher who, being “a perfect man” precisely because he is an “investigator,” lives privately as a member of an imperfect society which he tries to humanize within the limits of the possible.”

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Book:Persecution and the Art of Writing
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“Owing to the position which “the science of kalām” acquired in Islam, the status of philosophy in Islam was intermediate between its status in Christianity and in Judaism. To turn therefore to the status of philosophy within Judaism, it is obvious that while no one can be learned in the sacred doctrine of Christianity without having had considerable philosophic training, one can be a perfectly competent talmudist without having had any philosophic training. Jews of the philosophic competence of Halevi and Maimonides took it for granted that being a Jew and being a philosopher are mutually exclusive. At first glance, Maimonides’ Guide for the Perplexed is the Jewish counterpart of Thomas Aquinas’ Summa Theologica; but the Guide never acquired within Judaism even a part of the authority which the Summa enjoyed within Christianity; not Maimonides’ Guide, but his Mishnah Torah, i.e., his codification of Jewish law, could be described as the Jewish counterpart to the Summa. Nothing is more revealing than the difference between the beginnings of the Guide and the Summa. The first article of the Summa deals with the question as to whether the sacred doctrine is required besides the philosophic disciplines: Thomas as it were justifies the sacred doctrine before the tribunal of philosophy. One cannot even imagine Maimonides opening the Guide, or any other work, with a discussion of the question as to whether the Halakha (the sacred Law) is required besides the philosophic disciplines.”

PhilosophyIntroduction19451952AquinasMaimonides
Book:Persecution and the Art of Writing
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“The emancipation of the scholars and scientists from philosophy is according to [Nietzsche] only a part of the democratic movement, i.e. of the emancipation of the low from subordination to the high. ... The plebeian character of the contemporary scholar or scientist is due to the fact that he has no reverence for himself.”

PhilosophyCharacterFactsMovementLowsScientistDemocraticDuesContemporaryReverenceScholarEmancipationSubordinationPlebeians
Book:Studies in Platonic Political Philosophy
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“History teaches us that a given view has been abandoned in favor of another by all men, or by all competent men, or perhaps by only the most vocal men; it does not teach us whether the change was sound or whether the rejected view deserved to be rejected. Only an impartial analysis of the view in question, an analysis that is not dazzled by the victory or stunned by the defeat of the adherents of the view concerned - could teach us anything regarding the worth of the view and hence regarding the meaning of the historical change.”

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Author:Leo Strauss
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“To avert the danger [posed by theory] to life, Nietzsche could choose one of two ways: he could insist on the strictly esoteric character of the theoretical analysis of life - that is, restore the Platonic notion of the noble delusion - or else he could deny the possibility of theory proper and so conceive of thought as essentially subservient to, or dependent on, life or fate... If not Nietzsche himself, at any rate his successors [Heidegger] adopted the second alternative.”

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Author:Leo Strauss
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“The most superficial fact regarding the 'Discourses,' the fact that the number of its chapters equals the number of books of Livy's 'History,' compelled us to start a chain of tentative reasoning which brings us suddenly face to face with the only New Testament quotation that ever appears in Machiavelli's two books and with an enormous blasphemy.”

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Author:Leo Strauss
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“The belief that value judgments are not subject, in the last analysis, to rational control, encourages the inclination to make irresponsible assertions regarding right and wrong or good and bad. One evades discussion of serious issues by the simple device of passing them off as value problems, whereas, to say the least, many of these conflicts arose out of man's very agreement regarding values.”

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Book:What is Political Philosophy? And Other Studies
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“Our understanding of the thought of the past is liable to be the more adequate, the less the historian is convinced of the superiority of his own point of view, or the more he is prepared to admit the possibility that he may have to learn something, not merely about the thinkers of the past, but from them.”

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Book:What is Political Philosophy? And Other Studies
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“When speaking of a "body of knowledge" or of "the results of research," e.g., we tacitly assign the same cognitive status to inherited knowledge and to independently acquired knowledge. To counteract this tendency a special effort is required to transform inherited knowledge into genuine knowledge by revitalizing its original discovery, and to discriminate between the genuine and the spurious elements of what claims to be inherited knowledge.”

BodyResultsEffortSpecialElementsResearchDiscoveryClaimsOriginalsGenuineTendenciesCognitive
Book:What is Political Philosophy? And Other Studies
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“We somehow believe that our point of view is superior, higher than those of the greatest minds either because our point of view is that of our time, and our time, being later than the time of the greatest minds, can be presumed to be superior to their times; or else because we believe that each the greatest minds was right from his point of view, but not, as he claims, simply right.”

MindBelieveViewsHigherClaimsPoint Of ViewSuperiorsOur Time
Book:Liberalism Ancient and Modern
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“Men are constantly attracted and deluded by two opposite charms: the charm of competence which is engendered by mathematics and everything akin to mathematics, and the charm of humble awe, which is engendered by meditation on the human soul and its experiences. Philosophy is characterized by the gentle, if firm, refusal to succumb to either charm.”

IfsMenHumansTwoSoulPhilosophyMeditationOppositesMathematicsHumbleFirmGentleCharmAweCompetenceHuman SoulRefusalDeludedTwo Opposites
Book:An Introduction to Political Philosophy: Ten Essays
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“According to our social science, we can be or become wise in all matters of secondary importance, but we have to be resigned to utter ignorance in the most important respect: we cannot have any knowledge regarding the ultimate principles of our choices, i.e. regarding their soundness or unsoundness... We are then in the position of beings who are sane and sober when engaged in trivial business and who gamble like madmen when confronted with serious issues.”

ImportantMatterChoicesSocialPrinciplesIssuesWisePositionIgnoranceSeriousUltimateImportanceEngagedSaneSoberGambleMadmenOur ChoicesSocial ScienceResignedSoundnessSerious IssuesUnsoundness
Author:Leo Strauss
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“Men must always have distinguished (e.g. in judicial matters) between hearsay and seeing with one's own eyes and have preferred what one has seen to what he has merely heard from others. But the use of this distinction was originally limited to particular or subordinate matters. As regards the most weighty matters the first things and the right way the only source of knowledge was hearsay.”

MenWayFirstsMatterUseEyeSeeingHeardParticularSourceRegardDistinctionRight WayDistinguishedJudicialSubordinatesHearsay
Book:Natural Right and History
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“The adjective "political" in "political philosophy" designates not so much the subject matter as a manner of treatment; from this point of view, I say, "political philosophy" means primarily not the philosophic study of politics, but the political, or popular, treatment of philosophy, or the political introduction to philosophy the attempt to lead qualified citizens, or rather their qualified sons, from the political life to the philosophic life.”

MeanMatterPhilosophyPoliticalViewsStudySubjectsSonCitizensPoint Of ViewTreatmentQualifiedIntroductionPolitical PhilosophySubject MatterAdjectivesPolitical LifePhilosophic
Author:Leo Strauss
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“Liberal education, which consists in the constant intercourse with the greatest minds, is a training in the highest form of modesty. ... It is at the same time a training in boldness. ... It demands from us the boldness implied in the resolve to regard the accepted views as mere opinions, or to regard the average opinions as extreme opinions which are at least as likely to be wrong as the most strange or least popular opinions”

MindFormViewsOpinionStrangeDemandHighestTrainingRegardConstantMereAverageExtremesAcceptedResolveModestyBoldnessIntercourseImpliedPopular OpinionLiberal Education
Book:An Introduction to Political Philosophy: Ten Essays
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“A conservative, I take it, is a man who despises vulgarity; but the argument which is concerned exclusively with calculations of success, and is based on blindness to the nobility of the effort, is vulgar.”

MenEffortConcernedArgumentConservativeDespiseBlindnessVulgarNobilityCalculationsVulgarity
Book:Jewish Philosophy and the Crisis of Modernity: Essays and Lectures in Modern Jewish Thought
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